Information You Can Use: A Bi-monthly Service for the UN and Civil Society
Volume 1, Issue 3, June-July 2004

As NGOs Multiply, They Expand a New Private Sector

22 June 2004
Source: Asian Wall Street Journal

A rather remarkable dispute erupted in Amsterdam last week. The Dutch government dunned Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF) $900,000 for part of the cost of ransoming a Dutch MSF employee, Arjan Erkel, held hostage for 20 months by insurgents in Dagestan. MSF refused to pay, saying it was not a party to the negotiations or the ransom payment.

Aside from the unusual circumstance of a government charging a private organization for diplomatic services, there is the equally interesting point that Mr. Erkel was doing humanitarian work in a Russian war zone as an employee of Doctors Without Borders, the English-language name of MSF. So the Erkel affair scrambled together emissaries of governments in Moscow and The Hague and private entities that included MSF, the insurgents and some ex-KGB intermediaries who no doubt wanted part of the loot.

But this sort of thing isn't especially unusual in today's complex world. States increasingly find themselves interacting with so-called non-governmental organizations, or NGOs. The old days of state-to- state diplomacy seem simple by comparison, if not necessarily more peaceful. You can add to this complexity multilateral organizations like the European Union, which has growing foreign policy ambitions.

We usually think of NGOs as relatively benign pressure groups like the World Wildlife Federation or the Union of Concerned Scientists. Of course, they sometimes are less than benign, as when labor unions, environmental groups, anarchists and sundry others organize protests to try to break up International Monetary Fund or World Trade Organization summits.

Russia's Chechen guerrillas and their colleagues in Dagestan are technically non-governmental. So is al Qaeda, the product of the fevered hatreds of Osama bin Laden. Governments everywhere are wrestling with the problem of how to deal with such groups, which have sprung up like dragon's teeth. In the U.S., there is a debate over whether their members are entitled to Geneva protections granted to prisoners of the armies fielded by nation states.

But terrorist groups are only a tiny fraction of the burgeoning world population of NGOs. Most see it as their mission to do good works, as opposed to spreading mayhem. They are part of a vast non- profit (or ostensibly so) private sector that is growing rapidly. Americans give some $240 billion a year to private charities and a like amount in volunteer services, if you value the time they devote based on the hourly earnings of production workers. According to a publication called Independent Sector, the growth rate of employment in the non-profit sector between 1997 and 2001 was significantly greater than that in private business or government. It reported that non-profit employment has doubled in the last 25 years and now represents 9.5% of the U.S. work force.

Non-profits, like multinational corporations, are not constrained by national borders. MSF is one such group and worthy of admiration for the willingness of its members to risk their lives in dangerous places to supply medical care and hunger relief. Founded in 1971 by a group of French doctors, it now has 2,500 volunteers operating in 80 countries. It not only treats the ill, wounded and malnourished but publicizes human-rights violations where it finds them, currently in Sudan, for example.

But while MSF is a remarkable organization, it is only part of a virtual explosion of private mission-oriented groups. In a new book titled "How to Change the World" (Oxford University Press) David Bornstein quotes Peter Goldmark, a former president of the Rockefeller Foundation: "It's got to strike you that a quarter of a century ago outside the United States, there were very few NGOs and now there are millions of them all over the globe."

Mr. Bornstein focuses on what he describes as the "social entrepreneurship" of individual citizens who see a problem and attempt to organize a solution, independently of the government agencies that conduct social and developmental projects. Often, the citizen groups, unburdened by governmental bureaucracy and political considerations, move faster and more effectively. He attributes the growth in such activity to the fact that "more people today have the freedom, time, wealth, health, exposures, social mobility and confidence to address social problems in bold new ways."

He adds later in the book that "the spread of democracy and the emergence of a vigorous citizen sector over the past 30 years has opened up extraordinary opportunities . . . the citizen sector is going through changes that are comparable to those that occurred in the business sector over the past three centuries."
Political scientists have taken note as well. A study by the German Marshall Fund to be presented at an NGO conference preceding the NATO summit in Istanbul next weekend argues that solutions to the problems of the Middle East require the involvement of "civil society" as well as governments. This acknowledges that even in undemocratic states, a civil society is developing and has the potential for promoting peace and order.

Of course some of these Mideast societies are afflicted with terrorist groups dedicated to goals that are just the opposite, so that, too, must be acknowledged. U.S. policy toward the Muslim world is to side with the forces of moderation against the forces of destruction, which involves the mobilization of private organizations as well as state power.

Predictably, the private social sector has generated its own trade organizations and journals, such as the Association of Fundraising Professionals and Independent Sector. Consulting groups have sprung up, such as the for-profit Geneva Global, which advises philanthropic organizations on how to get the most bang for the buck for the money they contribute to worthy causes. It focuses its scouting efforts mostly on small but effective charities in some of the world's nastiest little corners of poverty. Geneva Global has channeled funds into some 90 countries, to groups fighting child slavery in India or sex trafficking in the Balkans, and claims it can change a life for as little as $25.

Clearly, politics has been altered dramatically in the decades that have given rise to so much citizen action around the globe. The question of who pays when someone like Mr. Erkel is rescued from kidnappers is interesting, but clearly the risks aren't curbing the rising influence of NGOs.